Saturday, January 15, 2011

Government
Nova Scotia (which, till 1784, included what is now New Brunswick) was the first part of Canada to secure representative government. In 1758, it was given an assembly, elected by the people. Prince Edward Island followed in 1773; New Brunswick at its creation in 1784; Upper and Lower Canada (the predecessors of the present Ontario and Quebec) in 1791; and Newfoundland in 1832.
Nova Scotia was also the first part of Canada to win responsible government: government by a cabinet answerable to, and removable by, a majority of the assembly. New Brunswick followed a month later, in February 1848; the Province of Canada (a merger of Upper and Lower Canada formed in 1840) in March 1848; Prince Edward Island in 1851; and Newfoundland in 1855.
By the time of Confederation in 1867, this system had been operating in most of what is now Central and Eastern Canada for almost 20 years. The Fathers of Confederation simply continued the system they knew, the system that was already working, and working well.
For the nation, there was a Parliament, with a Governor General representing the Queen; an appointed upper house, the Senate; and an elected lower house, the House of Commons. For every province there was a legislature, with a lieutenant-governor representing the Queen; for every province except Ontario, an appointed upper house, the legislative council, and an elected lower house, the legislative assembly. The new Province of Manitoba, created by the national Parliament in 1870, was given an upper house. British Columbia, which entered Canada in 1871, and Saskatchewan and Alberta, created by Parliament in 1905, never had upper houses. Newfoundland, which entered Canada in 1949, came in without one. Manitoba, Prince Edward Island, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia and Quebec have all abolished their
How It Operates
The Governor General (and each provincial lieutenant-governor) governs through a cabinet, headed by a prime minister or premier (the two terms mean the same thing: first minister). If a national or provincial general election gives a party opposed to the cabinet in office a clear majority (that is, more than half the seats) in the House of Commons or the legislature, the cabinet resigns and the Governor General or lieutenant-governor calls on the leader of the victorious party to become prime minister and form a new cabinet. The prime minister chooses the other ministers, who are then formally appointed by the Governor General or, in the provinces, by the lieutenant-governor. If no party gets a clear majority, the cabinet that was in office before and during the election has two choices. It can resign, in which case the Governor General or lieutenant-governor will call on the leader of the largest opposition party to form a cabinet. Or the cabinet already in office can choose to stay in office and meet the newly elected House — which, however, it must do promptly. In either case, it is the people’s representatives in the newly elected House who will decide whether the “minority” government (one whose own party has fewer than half the seats) shall stay in office or be thrown out.
If a cabinet is defeated in the House of Commons on a motion of censure or want of confidence, the cabinet must either resign (the Governor General will then ask the leader of the Opposition to form a new cabinet) or ask for a dissolution of Parliament and a fresh election.
In very exceptional circumstances, the Governor General could refuse a request for a fresh election. For instance, if an election gave no party a clear majority and the prime minister asked for a fresh election without even allowing the new Parliament to meet, the Governor General would have to say no. This is because, if “parliamentary government” is to mean anything, a newly elected House of Commons must at least be allowed to meet and see whether it can transact public business. Also, if a minority government is defeated on a motion of want of confidence very early in the first session of a new Parliament, and there is a reasonable possibility that a government of another party can be formed and get the support of the House of Commons, then the Governor General could refuse the request for a fresh election. The same is true for the lieutenant-governors of the provinces.

No elected person in Canada above the rank of mayor really has a fixed term of office. Recent legislation in several provinces and territories, as well as a May 2007 act of Parliament, provide for general elections to be held on a fixed date every four years under most circumstances. In practice this means that the expected term of office for a member of Parliament (or of a legislature with a fixed date law) would normally be four years. However, the Governor General’s power to dissolve Parliament is not affected by the fixed date legislation. The prime minister can still ask for a fresh election at any time, although, as already stated, there may be circumstances in which he or she would not get it. There can be, and have been, Parliaments and legislatures that have lasted for less than a year. In jurisdictions without legislated election dates, the maximum time without an election is five years.
The cabinet has no “term.” Every cabinet lasts from the moment the prime minister is sworn in till he or she resigns, dies or is dismissed. For example, Sir John A. Macdonald was Prime Minister from 1878 until he died in 1891, right through the elections of 1882, 1887 and 1891, all of which he won. Sir Wilfrid Laurier was Prime Minister from 1896 to 1911, right through the elections of 1900, 1904 and 1908, all of which he won. He resigned after being defeated in the election of 1911. The same thing has happened in several provinces. An American president or state governor, re-elected, has to be sworn in all over again. A Canadian prime minister or premier does not.
If a prime minister dies or resigns, the cabinet comes to an end. If this prime minister’s party still has a majority in the Commons or the legislature, then the Governor General or lieutenant-governor must find a new prime minister at once. A prime minister who resigns has no right to advise the governor as to a successor unless asked; even then, the advice need not be followed. If he or she resigns because of defeat, the governor must call on the leader of the Opposition to form a government. If the prime minister dies, or resigns for personal reasons, then the governor consults leading members of the majority party as to who will most likely be able to form a government that can command a majority in the House. The governor then calls on the person he or she has decided has the best chance. This new prime minister will, of course, hold office only until the majority party has chosen a new leader in a national or provincial convention. This leader will then be called on to form a government.
The cabinet consists of a varying number of ministers. The national cabinet has ranged from 13 to more than 40 members, and provincial cabinets from about 10 to over 30. Most of the ministers have “portfolios” (that is, they are in charge of particular departments — Finance, National Defence, Environment, Health, etc.), and are responsible, answerable and accountable to the House of Commons or the legislature for their particular departments. On occasion there can be ministers without portfolio. There may also be “ministers of state,” who may assist cabinet ministers with particular responsibilities or sections of their departments, or may be responsible for policy-oriented bodies known as “ministries of state.” (These assisting ministers, sometimes called “secretaries of state,” should not be confused with historically important departmental ministers once known as the Secretary of State for Canada and the Secretary of State for External Affairs.) Ministers of state and secretaries of state are not always members of the cabinet.
The ministers collectively are answerable to the House of Commons or the legislature for the policy and conduct of the cabinet as a whole. If a minister does not agree with a particular policy or action of the government, he or she must either accept the policy or action or, if necessary, defend it, or resign from the cabinet. This is known as “the collective responsibility of the cabinet,” and is a fundamental principle of our form of government.
The cabinet is responsible for most legislation. It has the sole power to prepare and introduce bills providing for the expenditure of public money or imposing taxes. These bills must be introduced first in the House of Commons; however, the House cannot initiate them, or increase either the tax or the expenditure without a royal recommendation in the form of a message from the Governor General. The Senate cannot increase either a tax or an expenditure. However, any member of either house can move a motion to decrease a tax or an expenditure, and the house concerned can pass it, though this hardly ever happens.
Legal System
Canada’s legal system derives from various European systems brought to this continent in the 17th and 18th centuries by explorers and colonists. Although the indigenous peoples whom the Europeans encountered here each had their own system of laws and social controls, over the years the laws of the immigrant cultures became dominant. After the Battle of Quebec in 1759, the country fell almost exclusively under English law. Except for Quebec, where the civil law is based on the French Code Napoléon, Canada’s criminal and civil law has its basis in English common and statutory law.  
The common law, which developed in Great Britain after the Norman Conquest, was based on the decisions of judges in the royal courts. It evolved into a system of rules based on “precedent.” Whenever a judge makes a decision that is to be legally enforced, this decision becomes a precedent: a rule that will guide judges in making subsequent decisions in similar cases. The common law is unique because it cannot be found in any code or body of legislation, but exists only in past decisions. At the same time, common law is flexible and adaptable to changing circumstances.  
The civil-law tradition
The tradition of civil law is quite different. It is based on Roman law, which had been scattered about in many places – in books, in statutes, in proclamations – until the Emperor Justinian ordered his legal experts to consolidate all the laws into a single book to avoid confusion. Ever since, the civil law has been associated with a “civil code.” Quebec’s Civil Code, first enacted in 1866 just before Confederation and amended periodically, was recently thoroughly revised. Like all civil codes, such as the Code Napoléon in France, it contains a comprehensive statement of rules, many of which are framed as broad, general principles, to deal with any dispute that may arise. Unlike common-law courts, courts in a civil-law system first look to the Code, and then refer to previous decisions for consistency.  
The two meanings of the civil law The term “civil law” is used to mean two quite different things, which can be a little confusing at first for people trying to understand the justice system. Sometimes the term is used in contrast to “common law” to refer to the legal system that is based on a civil code, such as the Justinian Code or the Civil Code of Quebec. In its other sense, civil law refers to matters of private law as opposed to public law, and particularly criminal law, which is concerned with harm to society at large. It is usually clear from the context which type of civil law is intended.
The Quebec Act of 1774 made Canada a “bijural” country, one with two types of law. The Quebec Act stated that common law was to be applied outside Quebec in matters of private law, while similar matters in Quebec were to be dealt with under Civil Code law. For public law, on the other hand, the common law was to be used in and outside Quebec.  
Aboriginal traditions
Aboriginal peoples in Canada have also contributed to our legal system. Aboriginal rights and treaty rights are recognized and protected under the Constitution. Aboriginal rights are those related to the historical occupancy and use of the land by Aboriginal peoples; treaty rights are those set out in treaties entered into by the Crown and a particular group of Aboriginal people. Reserves, for example, are the responsibility of the federal government.  
Aboriginal customs and traditions have also contributed to new ways of dealing with people, such as healing and sentencing circles, community justice and restorative justice.  
Parliament
Democratic countries usually have a “legislature” or “parliament,” which has the power to make new laws or change old ones. Since Canada is a federation (a union of several provinces with a central government), it has both a federal parliament in Ottawa to make laws for all of Canada and a legislature in each province and territory to deal with local matters. Laws enacted at either level are called “statutes,” “legislation,” or “acts.” When Parliament or a provincial or territorial legislature passes a statute, that statute takes the place of common law or precedents dealing with the same subject. In Quebec as well, much legislation has been passed to deal with specific problems not covered by the Civil Code.  
Making laws this way can be a complicated process. Suppose, for example, the federal government wanted to create a law that would help control pollution. First, government ministers or senior public servants would be asked to examine the problem carefully and suggest ways in which, under federal jurisdiction, a law could deal with pollution. Next, they would draft the proposed law. This would then have to be approved by the Cabinet, which is composed of Members of Parliament or Senators chosen by the Prime Minister. This version would then be presented to Parliament as a “bill” to be studied and debated by members. Bills only become laws if they are approved by a majority in both the House of Commons and the Senate and “assented to” by the Governor General in the name of the Queen.  
A similar process is used in every province. Royal assent for laws enacted by provincial legislatures is provided by the Lieutenant Governor.  
But law is more than a number of statutes, as we have seen from the description of common law. Judges develop common law, such as the laws of contracts, through referring to and setting precedents. They also interpret and apply the statutes.  
Because of the complexity of modern society, more laws are being enacted today than ever before. If our lawmakers had to deal with all details of all laws, the task would be nearly impossible. To solve this problem, Parliament, provincial and territorial legislatures often pass general laws delegating authority to departments or other government organizations to make specific laws called “regulations.” Regulations carry out the purposes of the general laws or expand on them, but are limited in scope by these laws.


Keeping the Law Up to Date
Law reform
Although much of our law was inherited from European legal traditions, as society grows and develops it cannot rely entirely on tradition. Sometimes there is an urgent need for new laws or for old laws to be changed. Even as government enacts reforms to address changing ethics and morality, society continues to evolve dynamically, making it necessary to reform laws constantly.
As Canadian society changes, we must make sure that our system of law and justice meets the challenges of our new society. Every day, we hear about social issues, medical developments, new types of technology – all of which may raise moral and legal questions. For example, we are increasingly becoming aware of the effects of modern society on our environment and of the immense threat of pollution and wasteful habits.
As people change the way they live and work, some laws may become obsolete or new situations may arise that are not dealt with by any existing law. For example, the same computer technology that enables one person to find information about another may also make it possible to “steal” information that was meant to be private. Old laws against theft did not foresee stealing computer files or indeed storing or moving information by such means. This kind of technological and social change makes it necessary to reform our laws.
More than just changing laws, we may need to change the system of law and justice itself. For instance, in our complex society it can take years to settle disputes. As our court system is stretched to the limit, other, less formal ways may help people settle their disputes. Some informal mediation methods, such as in landlord-tenant disputes, are already being used.
Changing laws
Government legal experts are constantly examining our laws, looking for ways to improve them. Law reform committees review laws and recommend changes. Lawyers bring questions of law to court to bring about change. Social action groups seek changes to laws that they consider unfair to members of Canadian society. Legislators at the federal, provincial and territorial governments respond by introducing new laws or amendments to old ones to be considered and debated in Parliament and the legislatures.
Ultimately, though, the responsibility for changing our laws is not left entirely to the lawyers, the experts or the interest groups. It is the people of Canada who elect the lawmakers; we need to decide what we want from the law and then make sure it reflects those wishes. Everyone has the right to point out flaws in the law and to work towards changing these laws – lawfully, of course.
SOCIAL CLASSES IN CANADA
Despite the difficulty in clearly defining class levels in Canadian society because of low levels of status consistency and the fluidity provided by social mobility, it is possible to think of four general social classes in Canada.
The Upper Class
Perhaps 3 to 5% of Canadians fall into this class. Much of their wealth is inherited, their children go to private schools and they exercise great power in occupational positions. Although this group has historically been primarily of British origin, it is now more widely distributed.
Upper-uppers
One percent belongs to an upper-upper level distinguished primarily by "old money".
Lower-uppers
The remaining 2-4% fall into the lower-upper level and depend more on earnings than inherited wealth.
The Middle Class
Roughly 40-50% of the Canadian population falls into this category. Because of its size it has tremendous influence on patterns of North American culture. There is considerable racial and ethnic diversity in this class and it is not characterized by exclusiveness and familiarity. The top half of this category is termed the "upper-middle" class with family incomes of $50,000 to $100,000 earned from upper managerial or professional fields. The rest of the middle class (average middles) typically work in less prestigious white-collar occupations or highly skilled blue-collar jobs. According to the Social Diversity Box (p. 270) the middle class dominate the Calgary Stampede.
The Working Class
This class comprises about one-third of the population and has lower incomes than the middle-class and virtually no accumulated wealth. Their jobs provide less personal satisfaction.
The Lower Class
The remaining 20% of our population is identified as the lower class. In 2001 roughly 15% of the Canadian population were labeled as poor. Many are supported entirely by welfare payments while others are among the "working poor" whose incomes are insufficient to cover necessities like food, shelter, and clothing. They typically live in less desirable neighbourhoods — often racially or ethnically distinct — and their children are often resigned to living the same hopeless lives of their parents. Recent government cut-backs on welfare in some provinces may lead to even greater living constraints for this group of people.
Class, Family, and Gender
Family life tends to reproduce the class structure in each generation. Parents define children's expectations and the middle-class clearly has higher educational and occupational expectations of their children than the working class. The box on Exploring Cyber Society (p 266) posits the possibility that exposure to home computers might give children an occupational advantage in the information society. The children of the affluent are more likely to receive that exposure. Spousal relationships also differ with more rigid role segregation in the working class as compared to more egalitarian relationships in the middle class, which also contain more emotional intimacy.
SOCIAL MOBILITY
Canada is characterized by a significant measure of social mobility. Social mobility can result from personal achievement or structural change in the society itself. It can be upward or downward and intragenerational or intergenerational. Intragenerational social mobility refers to a change in social position occurring during a person's lifetime. Intergenerational social mobility refers to upward or downward social mobility of children in relation to their parents.
Myth Versus Reality
Canadians have generally expected that each new generation will do better than the last. Recent data suggest that while there is much upward and downward activity on balance not much shift takes place between generations. Men experience more occupational inheritance than women and education is the key to occupational mobility in Canada. Divorce is a good predictor of downward social mobility for women but not men.
The Global Economy and Canadian Class Structure
The rates of social mobility in Canada have been much the same as other industrial societies; not very extensive. The restructuring of the Canadian economy with manufacturing jobs moving elsewhere and service jobs replacing them, leads fewer Canadians to expect that their children will experience better standards of living than they experienced themselves. The late 1990s, however, saw a dramatic decrease in unemployment because of an expanding economy.
POVERTY IN CANADA
Social stratification creates "haves" and "have-nots." The "have-nots" can experience relative poverty, a deprivation in relation to those who have more, or absolute poverty, a deprivation of resources that is life threatening. Roughly one in seven of the world's population lives in conditions of absolute poverty while few Canadians do.
The Extent of Canadian Poverty
Approximately 4.4 million Canadians live below the "poverty line," that point below which people spend approximately 55% of pre-tax income on food, clothing, and shelter. A recent United Nations report has criticized Canada for making no measurable progress in alleviating poverty. A "wealthy" society finds 2 million people regularly making use of food banks and soup kitchens.
Race and Ethnicity
While British and French-background Canadians are not at the top of the income categories as measured by average male income (Welsh, Scottish, Jewish, and Japanese are higher) blacks, West Indians, Latin Americans, some Asian groups and Natives are clearly near the bottom. As the Applying Sociology Box (p. 268) makes clear, however, Native people, although in aggregate are at the bottom, they are represented in every class level in Canadian society.
Gender and Family Patterns
Families and the resources of households have very disparate income bases depending on whether they are a lone parent family headed by a male or female. Women who head households bear the brunt of poverty. They are less likely to be employed and when they are, they earn less than men. Figure 11-6 (p. 274) compares the resources of two parent families versus lone parent family incomes, and the implications of a female-headed versus a male-headed lone parent family. In fact, Figure 11-7 (p. 274) demonstrates that 45% of them fall below the poverty line. This situation has bden described as the feminization of poverty.
Food
Food in Daily Life.
The agricultural and ethnic richness of Canada has led to two distinctive characteristics of everyday food consumption. The first is its scale. Canadians are "big eaters," with meat portions in particular dominating the Canadian meal. There are generally three regular meals in a given day. Breakfast, often large and important in rural areas, but less so in urban areas, is most often not eaten in a group. Lunch, at midday, is most often a snack in urban areas, but remains a substantial meal in rural centers. Dinner, the final formal meal of the day, is also the meal most likely to be eaten by a residential group as a whole, and it is the largest and the most socially important meal of the day. It is the meal most often used as a social event or to which invitations to nonfamily members are extended, in contrast with lunch which is often, for adults, shared with coworkers. Meat plays a key role in all three of the formal meals, but with increasing importance at breakfast and dinner. Dinner should have some special, and most often, large, meat portion as its key component. Each of these three meals can be, and often are, very substantial. There are general rules concerning appropriate foods for each meal, rules that can be quite complex. For example, pork can figure in each meal, but only particular kinds of pork would be considered appropriate. Pork at breakfast may appear as bacon, or sausage, in small portions. Both of these products are made with the least valuable portion of the pig. At lunch, pork may appear in a sandwich in the form of processed meats, also made from the least valuable portion of the pig. For dinner, pork appears in large and more highly valued forms, such as roasts or hams, which require often elaborate preparation and which are presented to diners in a way that highlights their value and size.
The other main feature of Canadian food is diversity. The complex ethnic landscape of Canada and the tendency of ethnic groups to retain a dual cultural orientation have meant that Canadian cuisine is quite diverse in its content, with many ethnic dishes seen as somehow quintessentially Canadian as well. Whether pizza or chow Mein, cabbage rolls or plum pudding, Canadian cuisine is best characterized as eclectic rather than consistent in content. There are a small number of food items that are considered distinctively Canadian, such as maple syrup, but overall the Canadian diet is drawn from panoply of ethnic sources.
Food Customs at Ceremonial Occasions.
Ceremonial food does not generally differ greatly in content from everyday foods. What distinguishes food in ceremonial settings, such as state dinners, is not the type of food but the amount of food served and the complexity of its presentation and consumption. Ceremonial dinners are often made up of a long list of dishes served in a rigid sequence, eaten with utensils specified for each portion, and presented in often elaborate arrangement either generally, on the table as a whole, or in the particular portions placed on each diner's plate.
The same general consideration applies to meals for more private special occasions, such as those marking important religious holidays such as Christmas. The number of discrete dishes is usually quite large, the preparation of each is often specialized and involved, and portions consumed are more often than not greater than what one would consume under other circumstances. These more private special occasion meals often involve entire extended families sharing in both preparing and eating the meal.
There is another special meal worth mentioning, the potluck. "Potluck" is derived from the word potlatch, a special occasion of many West Coast First Nations peoples. The potluck involves each guest preparing and bringing a dish to the event, to be shared by all the diners. The key component of this particular kind of meal is food sharing among friends as opposed to food making for family. In general, potluck meals are meals shared by friends or coworkers. They express the symbolic importance of the meal as a part of the moral geography of social relations among nonkin, but distinguish this meal as an act of food sharing rather than an act of food preparation. That is, the potluck meal expresses a sense of community and kindness, while the family meal expresses a sense of service, duty, and family solidarity.

THE ARTS AND HUMANITIES
Support for the Arts. Most artists in Canada are self supporting and there are very few artists whose entire income is drawn from their artistic efforts. Several tax-funded programs, at all levels of government, do exist to provide financial assistance to artists of all types. The Governor General's Awards are presented each year to artists, writers, musicians, and other performers. There is a federal National Art Gallery, and most provinces also have one major tax-funded art gallery, usually in the provincial capital.
Literature. Canada does not have a single national literary tradition, participating instead in the wider English world of literature. While there are many internationally known writers from Canada, in general there is no single canon of Canadian literature. One exception is the province of Quebec, which has a longstanding "national" literature known for its social criticism and experimentation.
In recent decades, the number of published Canadian authors has increased dramatically, and Canadians as a community buy and read more books than in most other industrialized countries. Nevertheless, there is no special preference given to Canadian literature.
Graphic Arts. Canada has a large cohort of artists working in all media. Most small cities, and all larger ones, have many art galleries, including the tax-funded galleries. Several artist cooperatives exist in cities across the country, providing artistic and financial support for members. There is no single model for artistic presentation operating across the country.
Performance Arts. Theater ranges from professional theaters, mostly in large cities, which offer mainstream entertainment such as musical theater, to small community theater companies which can be found throughout the country. Several specialist companies or events, such as the Stratford Shakespeare Festival and the Shaw Festival, both in Ontario, take place each year and are international draws.
The city of Toronto has the distinction of hosting more theater openings per year than any other city in the English-speaking world. Its theaters include large commercial venues offering mostly musical theater, several large venues for other kinds of musical performance, and a diverse range of theaters and theater companies offering both new works original to the company and works from almost every linguistic and cultural tradition.
For the most part, attendance follows class lines but with important exceptions. Smaller theaters and theater companies, and in particular those offering new, experimental or political theater, encourage and attract audiences from all classes. Indeed, that is part of their role and their goal. Many of these theater companies see themselves as activists promoting social change. This makes these theaters both performance spaces and informal NGOs, a dual role that, while not unique to Canada, is an important aspect of its political culture.
Clothing
The colonization of eastern Canada began with the French in the 17th century. For some years, these settlers depended for clothing on what they brought with them. New garb was expensive and the only clothing available was imported, ready-made clothing or garments made locally from imported cloth or, sometimes, from dressed skins. Weaving did not become widespread in the new settlement until early in the 18th century; some local manufacture of fashionable shoes and hats had begun by the late 17th century.

Fashionable Dress
With the appearance of towns, well-to-do male and female inhabitants dressed in elegant clothing similar to that worn in France. However, there was a time lag of at least a year between the initiation of a style in Europe and its appearance in Canada, since ships from the continent came only annually. In 17th-century Canada a fashionable male wore a periwig, rich fabrics and elegant lace. Portraits of Jean TALON, the first intendant of New France, show him stylishly attired in periwig, brocade dressing gown, shirt lavishly trimmed with lace at the wrists and lace cravat.
In 1703 Madame Riverin, wife of a member of Québec City's Conseil Souverain, was painted in a stylish dress called a mantua and an elegant head-dress known as a fontange. Her daughters were dressed similarly and her son was garbed in miniature modish male clothing. Such imitation of adult clothing was customary in children's attire.
When the province of Upper Canada was created in 1791, the newly formed governing class, as well as the other members of the elite, also attempted to maintain fashionable standards of dress. These standards, like those of English dress, were generally more conservative than the modish styles of Paris.
The first Canadian fashion plate, who appeared in March 1831 in the Montreal Monthly Magazine, probably was inspired by one in an English publication. With the improvement in overseas communication which took place in the mid-19th century, the time lag between new European fashions and their appearance in Canada was substantially reduced, becoming as short as 2 months.

Everyday Dress
All but the wealthiest settlers wore clothing made in the home, often of cloth spun in the home and woven domestically or by professional local weavers. Styles tended to be conservative and to reflect rural French or, later, English styles. In the mid-19th century, as more ready-made clothing became available, fashion slowly became more accessible to the masses; however, most working-class attire continued to be fashioned at home.
Relatively small quantities of this clothing have survived because, as it wore out, it was recycled into QUILTS, RUGS, etc. In 1884 the first mail-order catalogue, the T. EATON COMPANY pamphlet, appeared, making recent styles more accessible to everyone, even in remote rural areas. This important development decreased the difference between conservative rural and up-to-date fashionable dress.

Men's Clothing
In the early French colonial period, many of the garments worn by ordinary townsmen and male country dwellers (mostly farmers) were similar to those worn in France. In the 17th and 18th centuries these settlers would have worn a variety of garments, sometimes broadly echoing fashionable ones but of a simpler, more utilitarian cut and fabric.
During the 19th century similar garments continued to be worn but variety was more limited; everyday clothes were principally reminiscent of fashionable garments. Breeches were replaced by trousers, and waist-length jackets were common. Beginning early in the 19th century, imported manufactured English cloth increasingly replaced homespun in everyday dress.
Certain types of nonfashionable attire for men, during both the French and English colonial periods (and sometimes persisting later), were different from their counterparts on the continent. Everyday clothing had been influenced by native garb, eg, the French Canadian's domestically manufactured leather attire, including footwear with a MOCCASIN shape (bottes or souliers sauvages) and leather or fabric leggings. These garments were especially common among country dwellers and those actively involved in the fur trade (eg, COUREURS DE BOIS). They were adopted as protection against harsh weather and rough countryside. The moccasin-type footwear (mandatory for snowshoes) was used by all HABITANTS.
Also of interest were the decorative, high-crowned felt hats, trimmed with ostrich feathers, worn by the VOYAGEURS during the early 19th century. Voyageurs also frequently wore the ceinture fléchée, a woollen, finger-woven multicoloured sash with arrowhead motifs. This characteristic French Canadian accessory first appeared generally in the early 19th century and continued to be finger woven in Québec until late in the century.
The ceinture fléchée was also worn by habitants, used as a trade item in the fur trade and, eventually, adopted for sports and leisure wear by the bourgeoisie, especially with the blanket capot. It has undergone a revival recently and is again produced in Québec.
The Québec capot (in the 17th century the term generally referred to a cloak and, later, to a greatcoat) developed slowly in response to the harsh winters. Beginning in the second quarter of the 18th century, it could also have a hood. Often, for country wear, it was made from thick, grey, homespun étoffe du pays.
From the 1770s hooded capots were made in Québec from Hudson's Bay Company blankets and became a typical costume for the rural Canadien. They were white, with blue bands from the blanket near the hemline and matching bands near the wrist. They had an upright collar and were closed in front by a series of ribbon ties in red, blue or both colours.
A coat could be trimmed with ribbon rosettes in the aforementioned colour or colours. This picturesque dress was usually worn with a multicoloured wool sash, a red wool toque (lined in white) or fur cap, leggings (mitasses) and bottes.
In the 19th century, the blanket capot changed slightly to echo broadly the fashionable greatcoat of the time: buttons and epaulettes were added, ribbon decoration disappeared and different colour combinations in the TEXTILE appeared. During this period, the bourgeois adopted the capot for winter sports and leisure wear, and women began to wear a version of the garment.
The attire, especially in white, remains a characteristic one for Québec. Now known as the Hudson's Bay Company coat, it is manufactured in Canada for both sexes. FUR was also important to both men and women for combating the winter cold. From the mid-19th century on, it was generally worn fur side out, creating a luxurious effect.

Women's Clothing
For ordinary and rural wear during the 17th century, and through to the late 19th century in Québec, women generally wore separate tops and skirts. In the 17th century and until the second half of the 18th century, corset bodices (approximately waist length and usually sleeveless), chemises (knee-length undergarments which could function for the working classes as blouses), petticoats (ie, skirts), aprons and caps were worn. This costume resembled attire seen in France and Western Europe.
With the appearance of hand weaving in New France, plain and checked or striped homespun’s prevailed. Sometime during the mid-18th century, the corset bodice was replaced by a sleeveless one extending beyond the waist. With its possible stylistic variations, unknown today, it was referred to at the time as a short gown or jacket.
As our present century progressed, the dominant development was the gradual change in the supplier of clothing, ie, from the dressmaker to the department store. Yet, for wealthy clients, high-fashion dressmakers continued, for a time, to operate successfully in large cities. Such clients were served in the post-WWII period, in Montréal, through couturiers (ie, stylish, high-quality dressmakers running expensive establishments), who modelled their operations on those of French couture salons. In Canada this type of operation persists, but in a very reduced form.
The greatest difference in kinds of clothing in Canada, as elsewhere, relates less to an elite and nonelite mode than to trends towards fashion versus antifashion (attire which makes a point of going contrary to trends) and to an increasingly informal manner of dress.
Ethnic dress of relatively recent immigrants (eg, Lithuanians, Ukrainians) is generally worn on special occasions and has not blended into the mainstream of Canadian costume. Similarly, the plain, conservative everyday attire of the Doukhobors and Mennonites has remained independent. Religious, legal and academic dress, being of a conservative nature and mostly of medieval derivation, is familiar in Canada. The major development in this area has been the gradual disappearance of religious costume from the streets, especially in Québec, as a result of Vatican II (a gathering of the supreme authority of the Roman Catholic Church in Rome from 1962 to 1965).
Most provincial museums display some pioneer clothing, and excellent collections are held at the ROYAL ONTARIO MUSEUM and the McCord Museum of Canadian History.
Recreation, sports, and other leisure activities
In Canada recreational activities can be divided into two types, summer and winter activities. Canada is a very cold country with snow everywhere in winter. Skiing is therefore a popular sport at that time and involves going down mountain slopes on a pair of skis. Snow boarding, which is very much like skate boarding, is also a favorite sport. The only difference between the two is that snow boarding is done on snow while skate boarding is done on concrete. In summer people love to go fishing, boating or swimming in places where there are large lakes or sea beaches. In other places, golf and tennis are quite popular. Many people also go hunting, hiking, camping or bird watching. Hiking involves going for very long walks in the mountains or in the countryside. For camping people go, sometimes with their families, to spend a few days in the mountains or open spaces away from the city. Camping sites usually provide facilities for food, sanitation and emergency medical services.
Social Security
Canada has an extensive social security system covering pensions and social welfare benefits, which covers virtually the whole population. Responsibility for the planning, management and delivery of social security programs is shared between the federal and provincial governments.
The universal pension system is state-funded, while employees, employers and the self-employed are required to contribute to the earnings related pension scheme and the employment-related benefits scheme, which covers sickness and maternity pay, unemployment benefits and other welfare assistance. Under the Child Tax Benefit scheme, tax-free monthly payments are made to families with children under 18. Most residents are also covered to receive physician and hospital services, but must meet federal and provincial eligibility criteria.
The universal pension is payable from the age of 65 for people who have lived in Canada for at least ten years after the age of 18. It is not necessary to retire from employment in order to receive this pension.
Health care
Health care in Canada is delivered through a publicly-funded health care system, which is mostly free at the point of use and has most services provided by private entities. It is guided by the provisions of the Canada Health Act. The government assures the quality of care through federal standards. The government does not participate in day-to-day care or collect any information about an individual's health, which remains confidential between a person and his or her physician. Canada's provincially-based Medicare systems are cost-effective partly because of their administrative simplicity. In each province each doctor handles the insurance claim against the provincial insurer. There is no need for the person who accesses health care to be involved in billing and reclaim. Private insurance is only a minimal part of the overall health care system. Competitive practices such as advertising are kept to a minimum, thus maximizing the percentage of revenues that go directly towards care. In general, costs are paid through funding from income taxes, although three provinces also impose a fixed monthly premium which may be waived or reduced for those on low incomes. There are no deductibles on basic health care and co-pays are extremely low or non-existent (supplemental insurance such as Fair Pharmacare may have deductibles, depending on income).
A health card is issued by the Provincial Ministry of Health to each individual who enrolls for the program and everyone receives the same level of care. There is no need for a variety of plans because virtually all essential basic care is covered, including maternity and infertility problems. Depending on the province, dental and vision care may not be covered but are often insured by employers through private companies. In some provinces, private supplemental plans are available for those who desire private rooms if they are hospitalized. Cosmetic surgery and some forms of elective surgery are not considered essential care and are generally not covered. These can be paid out-of-pocket or through private insurers. Health coverage is not affected by loss or change of jobs, as long as premiums are up to date, and there are no lifetime limits or exclusions for pre-existing conditions.
Pharmaceutical medications are covered by public funds for the elderly or indigent, or through employment-based private insurance. Drug prices are negotiated with suppliers by the federal government to control costs. Family physicians are chosen by individuals. If a patient wishes to see a specialist or is counseled to see a specialist, a referral can be made by a GP. Preventive care and early detection are considered important and yearly checkups are encouraged. Early detection not only extends life expectancy and quality of life, but cuts down overall costs. Those suspected of abusing the system by over-frequent or frivolous use can be tracked by the doctor through the ID on their health insurance card and may have to wait longer than those with more urgent needs.
Languages Spoken
Canada is a bilingual country and both English and French are official languages. English is spoken by 59.3% of the population while 23.2% speak French. Unofficial languages are also important and include Aboriginal and hybrid languages
Economy
Basic Economy. Canada is a resource rich, but land and people poor, country. While physically vast, there are geographic limitations on where people can live such that most of the population is located around the Great Lakes, and in the Saint Lawrence River Valley. This has meant, however, that the natural resources throughout the country can be exploited more fully.
Key to Canada's basic economy is its role as a resource base, not only for its own manufacturing, but for export as well. Minerals and ore, forestry products, and in particular in the twentieth century, oil and gas, have been the foundation of the Canadian economy since European conquest of the area.
Farming is also key to the Canadian economy, although most of Canada's agricultural production is exported, primarily though not exclusively, to the United States. This is a function of the scale of agricultural production in Canada in relation to the smallness of the Canadian population. Very few Canadians produce at the subsistence level; so few in fact, that it is fair to say all agricultural production in Canada is production for sale. Equally important, even that agricultural production consumed in Canada itself is not sold directly by producers to consumers but rather through a network of secondary distributers. Because of the shortness of Canadian growing seasons, a significant portion of all food consumed in Canada is imported from elsewhere in the world.
Manufacturing in Canada is dominated by automobile production, and by the manufacture of other large equipment and farm equipment. Canada also produces a wide range of consumer products, including furniture, electronics and building material. Since the 1980s production of high technology equipment, and especially communication equipment, has become a key sector of the economy as well.

No comments:

Post a Comment